Author: Alfio Bernabei | Date: December 2002

Prescott plays into fascist leader's hands

John Prescott's meeting with Gianfranco Fini, the Italian fascist leader, went unnoticed by the British media but for Fini it was a major coup in his party's campaign to gain inter-national respectability. The two Deputy Prime Ministers shook hands in London at a time when Prescott was busy attacking trade unionists in Parliament and Silvio Berlusconi's right-wing government was doing much the same at home. In an exclusive report for Searchlight, Alfio Bernabei explains why the meeting on 22 October was so important.

To gain respectability and widen their European network is a prime objective of Italy's fascists, or so-called "neo-fascists" or "post-fascists". Whatever they are called, they are all the political descendants of Mussolini's Blackshirts who took orders from Hitler.

The acquisition of respectability is a strategic step, part of the rebranding process required to gain acceptance in times of intense media scrutiny. The fashion conscious Armani-clad Italian fascists have becomes masters of the media game. They strive to present the electorate with an acceptable face of fascism to gain an ever larger foothold in local and national government.

Under Silvio Berlusconi's government they have the best chance of success of the past 50 years. Berlusconi has made a series of pacts with the fascists and the fascists are wasting no time. To them Mussolini's ascent to power remains the best example of how to succeed.

First, skilful use of the media. Second, the use of democracy as a means to gain power. Thirdly, the injection of large doses of xenophobia and racism among the population to help justify a strong government as the "protector of the race", as Mussolini put it.

The world let it happen in 1922, the year of the so-called "march on Rome". European governments simply watched as Mussolini was developing the doctrine that gave inspiration to Hitler and Nazi Germany.

After the Second World War Italian fascism reemerged under the leadership of Giorgio Almirante, who was an official in the nazi-backed Salò Republic. His chief protégé, Gianfranco Fini, later took over from him.

Thanks to Berlusconi's victory in the 2001 general election Fini is now Italy's Deputy Prime Minister. Still unwelcome in a number of countries because of his fascist background, a few weeks ago he was in London seeking to make himself acceptable to the British government and by implication to propel the advance of so called "post-fascism" internationally and provide succour to the extreme right everywhere.

And what welcome did he get from New Labour? Even the British conservative press knows what Fini represents. On the day of his arrival in London The Times described his party, now called Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance), as the "post fascist successor to Mussolini's power base", adding that "he has not yet been invited officially as Deputy Prime Minister to any EU countries".

This reluctance to invite him is because he epitomises the fascist who is opportunistically trying to win respectability by profiting from Italy's present situation. The country is morally bankrupt, with the Prime Minister and his cronies enmeshed in corruption trials, and the third government party, Lega Nord (Northern League), fanning a wave of racism unseen since Mussolini's racial laws of 1938.

Fini has learned how to move tactically to reach his goal. He joined the fascist movement in 1967 aged 16 and grew in it to become general secretary to the fascist party, Movimento Sociale Italiano. He remained its leader until 1995. When asked if he considered his 28 years of fascist militancy a mistake he replied: "No, why a mistake. It was a historical phase, a movement like the MSI was useful to Italy, to have a political formation which fought the demonisation of a part of our history."

He continued: "I claimed the fascist label ... because it meant belonging to my political family, the MSI. The Roman salute and homage to Mussolini were to us the manifestation of an identity."

Fini owes his current position entirely to the Berlusconi phenomenon. The two formed the short-lived 1994 government together with the xenophobic Umberto Bossi of the Northern League. Soon after this government fell, Fini understood that in order to renew his chances and gain from the disintegration of the Christian Democratic electoral base he had to move to the centre. He renamed the MSI the National Alliance.

There was international dismay when Berlusconi first brought Fini into government with three National Alliance ministers. This was reflected in headlines in the British Press. "Berlusconi appoints neo-fascists", said The Guardian. "Berlusconi picks three Fascists", declared The Times. "Berlusconi attacked for 'Duce' praise", noted The Sunday Times referring to the fact that the tycoon as well giving posts to neo-fascists was going round defending Mussolini: "He did a few good things".

Fini's visit to London in 1995 was disrupted by Anti Nazi League protests. Several politicians, among them Peter Hain and Denis MacShane, stopped him speaking at Chatham House. MacShane, now minister for Europe in Tony Blair's government, called Fini "the rising star of Europe's reborn Fascism movement" intent on polishing his image as a charismatic television performer while at National Alliance meetings the "standard Italian antisemitic text is prominently on sale".

Fini had arranged his latest visit to London in the hope of demonstrating his acceptability in Europe and trying to impress Israel. The issue of his European ostracism was raised in an interview with an Israeli newspaper, Ha'aretz. Fini retorted: "As a member of the European Convention I can call a meeting anywhere, including London". During the interview he also refused to call Mussolini a criminal and tried generally to evade questions about responsibility for fascism and its crimes.

Of course there are many other questions that Fini has not yet addressed. For example, up to the present time he has not shown any intention of wanting to apologise for the death of thousands of British and Commonwealth soldiers in the war declared by Mussolini. Not that he was "personally" involved of course. As he told Ha'aretz, "I was born in 1952". But he must have something to say about the responsibility borne by a party that after the events, in the full knowledge of all the links with Hitler's Germany and of Italy's contribution to the Holocaust, he personally rekindled and presided over for so many years.

Only days before Fini arrived in London Hain, then the Minister for Europe, cancelled his meeting with him. Whether this was a deliberate snub by the man who once called Fini a Nazi is not known. Whatever the reason, at the last moment another minister stepped into Hain's place, ready to shake hands with Fini. John Prescott, never afraid to get his hands dirty, held a half hour meeting with Fini, unnoticed in Britain but big and welcome news for Fini's camp. The sudden way in which it was organised prevented anti-fascist demonstrators from gathering outside Prescott's office, although the Anti Nazi League mounted a small demonstration outside Claridge's hotel where Fini was staying.

Among the protesters was one of the Britons wounded in Genoa last year during the barbaric police assault on the Diaz School. Women were threatened with sexual violence; dozens of people were brutally beaten up and held in what was described as a torture chamber. The police forced some of them to sing fascist songs. Fini was at the police headquarters during the crucial hours leading up to the attack. It is all too easy to surmise what the presence of a man like Fini, associated with fascist violence, might have inspired in the police forces. A number of agents are now under investigation for planting incriminating evidence in the school and for faking wounds they never received.

Prescott's decision to see Fini may have something to do with the same political pragmatism that earlier this year produced Blair's visit to Berlusconi for the signing of an agreement on furthering the so called "liberalisation" of labour protection in Europe. John Monks, the General Secretary of the TUC, described the meeting as "stupid". Fear of a Franco-German axis in Europe and the sharing of a common stance against European centralism is probably the main reason why London finds it useful at the present time to seek an ally in the Italian government.

If however the price to pay for this alliance is to lend respectability to a post-fascist like Fini serious questions must be asked of Blair's New Labour. In view of the prospective expansion of Europe to 25 countries, it seems doubly dangerous to send out encouraging signals to fascists or neo-fascists groups within their borders, which is how the welcome to Fini will be interpreted.

Fini celebrated his "success" in London in his own way. Minutes before he met Prescott he made a point of publicly praising Mirko Tremaglia, a National Alliance minister in the current Italian government, who joined Mussolini's Fascist army which terrorised the population of Northern Italy after the 1943 Armistice, killing anti-fascists and Allied soldiers on orders from Hitler.

Tremaglia is one of Fini's friends who truly remains proud of his past. He has said that Fini has nothing to apologise for, least of all for having led Mussolini's Blackshirts after the war. Only last month Tremaglia reiterated that the Italian Fascist Army "deserved" to win at Al Alamein in the battle against the British Army. "I am always happy when I hear Tremaglia being praised," said Fini, as he was about to leave Claridge's heading for Whitehall to meet Prescott, "He is a very good friend of mine".

Another good friend of Fini with deep roots in fascism is Francesco Storace, the National Alliance president of the Lazio Region, who in his youth joined the MSI. A few years ago he made a point of welcoming back to Rome some Italian fascist terrorists who had taken refuge abroad to escape police questioning and jail sentences. One of them has since formed Forza Nuova, a racist and fascist party. Last month Forza Nuova staged a rally in Rome during which pro-fascist and antisemitic slogans were shouted including: "Back to the gas ovens". The government looked on silently.

Any encouragement given to the "respectable" Fini filters through the network of fascist and racism movements, and not only in Italy.

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